Describe causes and characteristics of family violence in the United States. Domestic violence is epidemic in the United States, occurring in one-fourth of all marriages. More than half the women who were murdered in one recent 10 -year period were murdered by a partner. Between 21 percent and 34 percent of women will be slapped, kicked, beaten, choked, or threat- Figure \(8-11\) Violent Victimization by Victim- partner. In fact, continuing, severe violence characterizes close souace Truman s Morgan, 2014. to 15 percent of all marriages in the United States. In addition, many women are victims of psychological abuse, such as verbal or emotional abuse. Domestic violence is also a worldwide problem. Estimates suggest that one in three women around the globe experience violent victimization during their lives (Walker, 1999 ; Garcia-Moreno et al., \(2005 ;\) also see Figure \(8-11\) ). In the United States, no segment of society is immune from spousal abuse. Violence occurs across social strata, races, ethnic groups, and religions. Both gay and straight partnerships can be abusive. It also occurs across genders: Although in most instances, the husband is the abuser, in about 8 percent of the cases wives physically abuse their husbands (Harway, 2000; Cameron, \(2003 ;\) Dixon \& Browne, 2003 ). Certain factors increase the likelihood of abuse. Spousal "Includes current or former spouses, boyfrerids, and girlfriends. abuse is more apt to occur in large families for whom both bindudes parents, children, and siblings.

Short Answer

Expert verified
Family violence in the United States is prevalent and cuts across all strata of society. It comprises physical and psychological abuse that affects both males and females, with males being the principal perpetrators. Its presence is felt across various socio-economic strata, races, ethnicities, religions, and sexual orientations. The likelihood of abuse increases in larger families.

Step by step solution

01

Identifying the Prevalence of Domestic Violence

Statistics clearly show that domestic violence is pervasive in the US, featuring in a quarter of all marriages, and resulting in a significant number of women being subjected to physical violence.
02

Grasping the Scope of Domestic Violence

Domestic violence takes various forms such as slapping, kicking, beating, and choking. It not only includes physical but also psychological abuse like verbal and emotional mistreatment.
03

Awareness of the Global Magnitude of Domestic Violence

This issue is not restricted to the US. It's a global issue, with approximately a third of women globally experiencing violent victimization at some point in their lives.
04

Understanding the Demographics of Abuse

No segment of society is immune to domestic violence. It is observed across different social strata, races, ethnic groups, religions, and in both homosexual and heterosexual relationships. In most instances, males are the abusers; however, in about 8% of cases, females physically abuse their partners.
05

Identifying Factors That Increase the Likelihood of Abuse

Numerous factors can contribute to the prevalence of abuse. One such factor is the size of the family, with larger families being more prone to domestic violence.

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Most popular questions from this chapter

In normative-crisis models, people pass through agerelated stages of development; life events models focus on how people change in response to various life events. Erikson characterizes midlife as a time spent either in generativity or stagnation. Vaillant, Gould, and Levinson offer alternatives to Erikson's views. Levinson argues that the transition to middle age can lead to a midlife crisis, but there is little evidence for this in the majority of people.

Explain varied perspectives on personality development during middle adulthood. Traditional views of adult personality development have suggested that people move through a fixed series of stages, each tied closely to age. These stages are related to specific crises in which an individual undergoes an intense period of questioning and psy* chological turmoil. This perspective is a feature of the normative-crisis models of personality development. Normative- crisis models see personality development as universal stages of sequential, age-related crises. For example, Erik Erikson's psychosocial theory predicts that people move through a series of stages and crises throughout their life span. Some critics suggest that normative-crisis approaches may be outmoded. They arose at a time when society had fairly rigid and uniform roles for people. Traditionally, men were expected to work and support a family; women were expected to stay at home and take care of the children. These roles played out at relatively uniform ages. Today, there is considerable variety in both the roles and the timing. Some people marry and have children at \(40 .\) Others have children and marry later. Others never marry and live with a partner of the same or opposite sex and perhaps adopt a child or forgo children altogether. In sum, social changes have called into question the normative-crisis models closely tied to age (Fugate \& Mitchell, 1997; Barnett \&c Hyde, 2001; Fraenkel, 2003).

Analyze whether personality is stable or changes over the life span. Harry Hennesey, age 53 and a vice president of an investment banking firm, says he still feels like a kid. Many middle-aged adults would agree. Although most people say they have changed a good deal since adolescence- and mostly for the better-many also perceive important similarities in basic personality traits between their present and younger selves. The degree to which personality is stable across the life span or changes as we age is a major issue of personality development in middle adulthood. Theorists such as Erikson and Levinson clearly suggest that substantial change occurs over time. Erikson's stages and Levinson's seasons describe set patterns of change. The change may be predictable and age related, but it is substantial. An impressive body of research, however, suggests that for individual traits, personality is quite stable and continuous over the life span. Developmental psychologists Paul Costa and Robert MoCrae find remarkable stability in particular traits. Eventempered 20-year-olds are even-tempered at age 75 ; affectionate 25 -year-olds become affectionate 50 -year-olds; and disorganized 26 -year-olds are still disorganized at age 60\. Similarly, self-concept at age 30 is a good indication of self-concept at age \(80 .\) In fact, traits may become more ingrained as people age (Terracciano, McCrae, \&c Costa, 2009 ; Mottus, Johnson, \& Deary, \(2012 ;\) Curtis, Windsor, \& Soubelet, \(2015 ;\) also see Figure \(8-7\) ). STABILITY AND CHANGE IN THE "BIG FIVE" PERSONALITYTRAITS Quite a bit of research has centered on the personality traits known as the "Big Five" -because they represent the five major clusters of personality characteristics. These are: \- Neuroticism, the degree to which a person is moody, anxious, and self- critical \- Extraversion, how outgoing or shy a person is \- Openness, a person's level of curiosity and interest in new experiences \- Agreeableness, how easygoing and helpful a person tends to be \- Conscientiousness, a person's tendencies to be organized and responsible

Describe how people experience leisure time in middle adulthood. With the typical work week hovering between 35 and 40 hours - and becoming shorter for most people-most middle-aged adults have some 70 waking hours per week of leisure time (Kacapyr, 1997 ). What do they do with it? For one thing, they watch television. Middle-aged people average around 15 hours of television each week. But adults do much more with their leisure time. For many people, midlife offers a renewed opportunity to take up activities outside the home. As children leave, parents have substantial time to participate in leisure activities like sports or participate in town committees. Middle-aged adults in the United States spend about 6 hours each week socializing (Robinson \&c Godbey, 1997 Lindstrom et al., 2005). A significant number of people find leisure so alluring that they take early retirement. For early retirees who have adequate financial resources to last the remainder of their years, life can be quite gratifying. Early retirees tend to be in good health, and they may take up a variety of new activities (Cliff, 1991 ; Jopp \& Hertzog, 2010 ). Although midlife offers the opportunity for more leisure, most people report that the pace of their lives does not seem slower. Much of their free time is scattered throughout the week in 15 - and 30 -minute chunks as they pursue a variety of activities. Thus, despite a documented increase of 5 hours of weekly leisure time since 1965 , many people feel they have no more free time than they did previously (Robinson \& Godbey, 19977 One reason why extra leisure time seems to evaporate is that the pace of life in the United States is considerably faster than in many countries. By measuring the length of time average pedestrians cover 60 feet, the time it takes to purchase a stamp, and the accuracy of public clocks, research has compared the tempo of living in a variety of countries. According to a composite of these measures, the United States has a quicker tempo than many other countries, particularly Latin American, Asian, Middle Eastern, and African countries. But, many countries outpace the United States. Western European countries and Japan move more quickly than the United States, with Switzerland ranking first (Levine, \(1997 \mathrm{a}, 1997 \mathrm{~b}\) ).

Describe the physical changes that affect people in middle adulthood.

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